_This mirror for princes sheds light on the relationship between spiritual and political authority in early modern Egypt_ This guide to political behavior and expediency offers advice to Sufi shaykhs, or spiritual guides, on how to interact and negotiate with powerful secular officials, judges, and treasurers, or emirs. Translated into English for the first time, it is a unique account of the relationship between spiritual and political authority in late medieval / early modern Islamic society.

Según las fuentes hanbalíes, el imám Ibn Hanbal (m. en 855) no capituló ante inquisición `abbásí. En tiempos recientes, sin embargo, se tiende a pensar que sí debió capitular porque si no, nunca habría sido liberado. Sin embargo, una comparación del proceso de Ibn Hanbal con el de Hunayn b. Isháq (m. 873), indica que los califas `abbá-síes, cuando tenían que juzgar a un sospechoso de herejía, lo hacían más bien basados en razones de estado que en motivos dogmáticos. En (...) este contexto, en la narración del proceso recogido por Hanbal b. Isháq, puede leerse una explicación plausible de por qué el califa al-Mu'tasim puede haber liberado a Ibn Hanbal a pesar de que éste desafiara a la Inquisición. = According to Hanbali sources, the imam (d. 855) did not capitulate to the `Abbásid Inquisition. In modem times, a persuasive argument has been made that he must Nave done so; otherwise, he would never Nave been released. Yet a comparison of Ibn Hanbal's trial with that of Hunayn b. Isháq (d. 873) suggests that the `Abbásid caliphs, when asked to judge suspected heretics, made their decisions based on reasons of state rather than dogmatic grounds. Against this background, the trial report of Hanbal b. Isháq can be read as a plausible account of why the caliph al-Mu'tasim might Nave released Ibn Hanbal despite the latter's defiance of the Inquisition. (shrink)

This is an analytical examination of Ibn Khaldun's epistemology, centred on Chapter Six of the Muqaddima. In this chapter, entitled The Book of Knowledge (Kitab al'Ilm), Ibn Khaldun sketched his general ideas about knowledge and science and its relationship with human social organisation and the establishment of a civilisation.

Professor Guillaume's translation of the Sira of Ibn Ishaq is now reissued. The translator used Ibn Hisham's abridgement and also included many additions and variants found in the writings of early authors. The book thus presents in English practically all that is known of the life of the Prophet.In the introduction, the translator discusses the character of the Sira in the light of the opinion of early Arabian scholars, noting especially the difficulties of the poetry. As the earliest monument of (...) Arabian prose literature, the Sira remains a work of the first importance. (shrink)

This article studies Ibn al-Haytham’s treatment of the common notions from Euclid’s Elements (usually referred to today as the axioms). We argue that Ibn al-Haytham initiated a new approach with regard to these foundational statements, rejecting their qualification as innate, self-evident, or primary. We suggest that Ibn al-Haytham’s engagement with experimental science, especially optics, led him to revise the framing of Euclidean common notions in a way that would fit his experimental approach.

Bu araştırma hicri birinci asrın ilk yarısında varlık gösteren Basra’nın, fıkhıyla meşhur bazı sahâbîlere ev sahipliği yapmasına rağmen hadis ve fıkıh ilimlerinde, aynı dönemde öne çıkan Kûfe’den geri kalmasının muhtemel sebeplerine odaklanmaktadır. Söz konusu sahâbe arasında öne çıkanlar, Basra’da on iki sene ikamet etmiş olan Ebû Musa el-Eş’arî ve dört sene bulunan İbn Abbas’tır. Mezkûr iki sahâbenin fıkhî müktesabatlarının yanında çok sayıda hadis rivayetine sahip olduğu da bilinmektedir. Ancak buna rağmen her ikisinin de İbn Mes‘ûd’un, Kûfe’de yaptığı etkiyi gösterdikleri söylenemez. (...) Araştırmada, Basra’da meskûn bulunan sahâbeyle ilgili rivayetlerin tahlil ve değerlendirmesine dayalı bir yöntem takip edilmiş olup, özellikle sahâbe ile tâbiînin ilmî ilişkilerine yoğunlaşılmıştır. Bununla beraber coğrafya ve kuruluş bakımından benzerlik gösteren Kûfe şehrindeki sahâbenin ilmî etkisi ve tâbiîn neslinin faaliyetleri bakımından bir takım karşılaştırmalarda bulunulmaktadır. Makalenin, konu hakkında öngördüğü birinci ihtimal, söz konusu sahâbîlerin ordugâh şehrinde yaşamanın gereği olarak fetihlerle meşgul olmalarıdır. Bu sonuç ilk olarak Ebû Musa el-Eş’arî’nin sireti üzerine yapılan incelemelerde ortaya çıkmıştır. Söz konusu ilmî gecikmeye sebep olan ikinci ihtimalin ise bahsi geçen sahâbenin ilimlerini yaymak adına aktif davranmamaları olduğu söylenebilir. Bu durumda sahâbenin ilmî kişiliklerinin önemli bir rol oynadığı düşünülmektedir. Diğer bir ihtimal, Basra’daki tâbiîn neslinin, sahâbeden ilim alma hususunda sarfettikleri çabanın, Kûfelilere kıyasla daha az olmasıdır. Bahsi geçen durumda Basra’nın bedevî kabile yapısının önemli bir etkili olduğu düşünülmektedir. Konuyla ilgili zikredilebilecek son ihtimal ise ilmî yapının teşekkül etmeye başladığı süreçte vuku bulan fitne ve karışıklıklardır. Nitekim bir müddet valilik görevini yürüten İbn Abbas’ın, bu süre zarfında ilim ve eğitim faaliyetleriyle ilgilenemediği görülür. Özetle araştırmanın ulaştığı en önemli sonuç; Basra’nın hicri birinci asrın ilk yarısında, İbn Mes’ûd tarafından kurulan Kûfe’ye kıyasla hadis ve fıkıh ilimlerinde gelişmiş bir şehir olmadığıdır. (shrink)

Bu çalışma hicrî birinci asrın ikinci yarısında Basra’da hadis ve fıkıh sahasındaki ilmî hareketliliği konu edinir. İlgili dönemde, orada yaşayan sahâbenin en meşhuru ve Hz. Peygamber’le en uzun süre birlikteliğe sahip olması hasebiyle, Enes b. Mâlik’in Basra’daki etkisi özel olarak ele alınır. Bu amaçla Enes b. Mâlik’le ilgili birçok rivayet tahlil edilir ve onun hem Basra’da hem de diğer şehirlerde yaşayan sahâbe ve tâbiûnla arasındaki ilmî ilişkileri üzerinde durulur. Çalışma mezkûr zaman diliminde Basra’da hadis faaliyetlerinin fazla, fıkıh faaliyetlerinin ise az (...) olduğunun tezahürlerini gösterir. Enes’in öğrencileri üzerindeki etkisi; öğrencilerinin fakih mi yoksa muhaddis mi olduğu araştırılır. Enes’in tabiûnla ilişkileri, kendisine yapılan rihleler, başka şehirlerde yaşayan fakih tabiûnun ondan rivayeti, İbn Ebî Şeybe’nin Musannef’i çerçevesinde onun fıkhî şahsiyeti ve başka meseleler incelenir. Böylece onun fıkhî melekesinin İbn Abbas ve İbn Ömer’le aynı derecede olmadığı ve benzer şekilde Basra’nın sahabenin fakihlerinden tabiûnun fakihlerine nakledilen “amel-i mütevâres”e önem veren Medine ve Kufe gibi bir fıkıh şehri olmadığı sonucuna ulaşılır. Basra, müksirûndan olan sahabî Enes b. Malik sayesinde hadislerin rivayetine, yayılmasına ve onlarla amel edilmesine önem verilen bir şehirdi. Ancak bu hadislerin yayılması aynı dönemde Mekke’de İbn Abbas’ın faaliyetleri ile kıyaslanabilecek bir fıkhî faaliyeti de beraberinde getirmedi. Dolayısıyla Basra sahabe döneminde fıkıh ilmî açısından geri kalırken hadis sahasında hareketliydi. Bu nedenle ona fıkıh ve “amel-i mütevâres” değil rivayet şehri denilmesini hak etmektedir. (shrink)

Rationalities is being have sufficient as the new god of modern humans. Being the fuel of spirit, they try to negate “Being” or metaphysical. The impact of it they alienate the social crisis and spiritual crisis. The extremely spiritual crisis generates atheism or at least agnostic. They leaned on the knowledges and technologist which have suspected them as the driving force of modernization process have resulted the higher degree of modern humans’ rationality. Instead of losing the beliefs is precisely created (...) the public sphere. The humans modern try to find the spiritual leaned by the Sufism way. One of the interesting Sufism figures to be studied is Ibn Atha`illah. This paper studies about the Ibn Atha`illah’s view in the modern of philosophical Sufism. Practically he was more emphasize the Sufism’s value in ma’rifat view. He is also the main figure of Sufism but his activities or influences was only in it. Ibn Atha`illah was known as the master of Islamic laws in mazhab Maliki and akidah, the competence which as a rule of religious exoteric. (shrink)

This article discusses the philosophical dimension of post-modern societies. It examines the champion of rationalities of modern human beings and contends its contemporary limits. It argues that the modern rational philosophies that over-simplify the meaning “being” in metaphysical form has led to the civilizational crisis. In religious dimension, modern human has been sacrificing their inner spiritual dimension of humanity. As a response to this crisis, modernity has initiated the birth of “spiritual turn” that modern human tries to reinvent their spirituality, (...) mainly through Islamic Sufism. This article further examines the significance of Sufi concepts of the 14th century Sufi master Ibn Atha`illah. Examining his Sufi concepts from the lights of post-modern philosophy as panacea for modern diseases, this article found that the concept of spiritual knowledge is an essential concept as transcending the limits of rationality and materiality of modern philosophy. (shrink)

This paper examines the history of glass colouring. It reviews Kitāb al-Durra al-maknūna of Jābir ibn Ḥayyān, which deals with the subject. The manuscript of this practical treatise was discovered recently. Part one of the paper deals with Jābir as a philosopher and chemist. The art of lustre-painting on glass originated in Syria during the Umayyad Caliphate in the eighth century and was soon practised in the neighbouring area. The paper reviews Arabic literature that deals with the colouring of glass (...) until the 13th century, and with pre-Islamic and Latin books of recipes that deal with glass colouring. Recipes for cast coloured glass are very few and scant in non-Arabic literature, and lustre-painting on glass was not mentioned in any treatise outside Arabic, even in the works of Theophilus and Neri. The colouring of glass gemstones by colour diffusion is not mentioned also. The paper compares the recipes of Kitāb al-Durra with the results of modern analysis of existing Islamic stained glass objects. There is a close correspondence, and the main indispensable ingredients in both cases are silver and copper compounds. Part one ends with an account of lāzaward as cobalt oxide in glass colouring. Part two of the paper gives a representative selection of recipes from Kitāb al-Durra for the three methods of glass colouring. (shrink)

This chapter contains sections titled: Introduction Muslim or Islamic Philosophy of History? Islamic Concept of History Development of Muslim Philosophy of History and Historiography Two Muslim Philosophers of History: Ibn Miskawayh and Ibn Khaldun Muslim Philosophy of History and Encounters with the West Conclusion References Further Reading.

One of the fundamental problems of Theoretical Mysticism is the explanation of the world as being something other than God after having accepted the Unity of Existence. This paper seeks to present, after having explained certain necessary premises, the theory of manifestation as one that can explain and analyze multiplicity. In this article we especially seek to solidify the relation of such claims to mystics in general and to the adherents of the Ibn ‘Arabian school of thought in particular. This (...) is especially important because in some of the works of many specialists in this field we find that some unrealistic claims have been definitively attributed in to the Great Sheikh. The only way to counteract such false claims, in any field, including Theoretical Mysticism, is to make it binding upon ourselves to delve into the views of others in a cautious way. We must take the apparent meanings of the sayings of the mystics as a proof in this matter. Therefore the method of research of the writer of this article is to relate the sayings of the Great Sheikh and his commentators while commentating upon and analyzing them as well. (shrink)

En este artículo se lleva a cabo una descripción detallada del ms. 80 de la Zāwiya Ḥamzawīya. Es un maŷmū‛ recopilado, en su mayor parte, por un mismo copista del que desconocemos su nombre completo, aunque no el de su padre: ‛Umar b. Aḥmad b. Abī-l-Qāsim al-Šarīf. El maŷmu‛ contiene 427 folios con textos de variado contenido, predominando los de carácter astronómico. Entre otras obras, incluye una copia del Kitāb fī-l-‛amal bi-l-asturlāb de Abū-l-Ṣalt de Denia; el Kitāb min ‛ilm al-awqāt (...) bi-l-ḥisāb de Ibn al-Bannā de Marrākuš; el Tanbīh al-anām ‛alà mā yaḥduṯu fī ayyām al-‛ām de al-Ŷādīrī, así como su Urŷuza Rawḍat al-Azhār; y la única copia del Kitāb al-nuŷūm de ‛Abd. al-Mālik b. Ḥabīb. (shrink)

The Liber de compositione alchemiae or the The Book of the Composition of Alchemy is believed to have been the first book on alchemy that was translated from Arabic into Latin. The translator was the Englishman Robert of Chester who was one of the earliest translators to flock to Spain to learn Arabic and to translate some of the Arabic works. He completed his translation on 11 February, 1144.

Ibn Taymīyah, Aḥmad ibn ʻAbd al-Ḥalīm, 1263-1328; views on philosophy, Islamic; Muslim philosophers; history; apologetic work; editor's Ph.D. dissertation.

Divided into five parts, the book provides general background information on Biruni's time, his world, and his life. It includes the full names of the 183 books written by Biruni. The titles of these books are given in Arabic, Persian, transliteration of the Arabic title, and English, and they are all annotated and if available the number of folios is given for each one. A list of available references in English on Biruni, including articles, bibliographies, books, internet sites, a dissertation, (...) and even a film. A list of Persian reference sources is also included. (shrink)

RésuméCet article offre une édition, une traduction et une analyse d'une préface adressée par Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, traducteur de Galien, à un mécène chrétien syro-oriental, le médecin Salmawayh ibn Bunān. Ḥunayn a composé cette Épître à Salmawayh ibn Bunān en syriaque, mais seule en a survécu une traduction arabe par son neveu. Le texte n'a reçu que peu d'attention depuis sa découverte, il y a plus de quatre-vingts ans; il n'a jamais été publié entièrement. L’Épître donne un nouvel aperçu des (...) débuts de Ḥunayn et du milieu chrétien dans lequel il évoluait, en montrant ses attaches au passé littéraire syriaque, bien illustrées par les préfaces d'un autre traducteur de Galien, son prédécesseur Sergius de Rēšʿaynā ; mais l’Épître indique aussi des éléments qui distinguent de leur prédécesseur les traducteurs abbassides comme Ḥunayn. Cette étude soutient que la demande accrue des mécènes et la lecture attentive des commentaires hippocratiques de Galien ont suscité un nouveau discours, dans l’Épître, selon lequel des lecteurs de tout niveau peuvent et devraient avoir accès aux textes scientifiques grecs. Cette Épître montre ainsi comment Ḥunayn comprenait son propre projet littéraire et scientifique et sa relation à la tradition grecque de l'Antiquité. (shrink)